The seventh book in the MediaWatch series comprises
five essays on the election campaign for the 2000 parliamentary
elections in Slovenia. We chose subjects which in our opinion demonstrate
the role and importance of the media in this election campaign and
consequently influence political situation and social circumstances
following the elections.
In the essay entitled Crippled and Blinded by Neutrality Breda
Luthar argues that in studying the media coverage of elections,
most authors focus on the deviations from the professional standards
of journalism, particularly the standard of the objective treatment
of individual candidates or political parties, while the professional
standards themselves are not questioned. The fetishization of objectivity
is still the main feature of the journalist's self-image. In this
essay the author explains how the professional mythology of journalistic
objectivity affects the 'bias' of elections and the independence
of the media from politically constructed 'problems'. She thinks
that this is made possible thanks to the assumption that underlies
the myth of
objectivity, namely that a story may be neutral and related without
bias. This implies that it can be told from no one's viewpoint,
and that the truth lies somewhere between two (three, five or more)
opposing statements.
Since in our example politicians found it more important to control
what people thought about than to influence how they thought about
significant issues, the author analyzed the pre-election debates
on the Slovenian national TV station and POP TV in light of the
agenda that was publicly discussed, while leaving out other significant
aspects (iconography, rhetorical conditions and the like). She attempted
to show that journalitsí thematization of reality was almost completely
dependent on politics and its turning of 'issues' into 'problems'.
She points out that what is important is not only which social problems
are defined as crucial, or who defines the central social problems,
but also the language, concepts and conceptual framework within
which these issues are treated.
Tonči A. Kuzmanić opens his essay The Extremism of the Center with
the observation that analyzing political extremism has become much
more demanding than it used to be, because extremism has become
concealed and is no longer readily discernible. The author concentrates
on certain less obvious but more firmly embedded forms of extremism
which in his opinion could prove fateful for the future of democracy
in Slovenia. Since nothing is any longer as it used to be, also
nationalism, chauvinism, cultural racism (which is crucial for the
understanding of the situation in Slovenia), and various kinds of
extremism are different from those of yesterday. They have 'adapted'
themselves, become 'modernized', actually 'post-modernized' and
'post-politicized'.
The author establishes that the entire corpus of Slovenian politics
incessantly drifts towards the right, and is now much more to the
right than it had ever been during the past ten years. The Right
he speaks of is no longer traditional and should not be sought among
the supporters of Andrej Bajuk or Janez Janša only. It is post-modernized,
lofty and arrogant, and above all anti-political. It is to be found
among manager-style Drnovšek's clique, in phenomena such as the
mixture of racism and postmodernism entertained by Zmago Jelinčič,
and even in such an anti-political event as was the entrance into
the parliament of the Party of Youth.
Kuzmanić concludes that that which is in Slovenia taken as being
the left or 'really the left' is something radical, fundamentalist,
robust and stalwart above all. He argues that fundamentalism
has not only assumed the position of the Left, but that the
Left is almost non-existent. Any anti-Church or anti-Catholic
standpoint is equated a priori with the left-wing. In his opinion
the manner in which the media treated the apparent 'shift leftwards'
of the electoral body is in fact a non-interpretation. It is
an appraisal made from a radical and centrist viewpoint, and
its purpose is to frighten. Rather than being an 'objective
assessment of events' it is a political stance.
The author further asserts that in Slovenia it is not possible
to find an interpretation which would call a spade a spade and
say out loud a very simple fact: at the present undeveloped stage
of democracy, Slovenians have no other religion apart from Slovenianness,
which is similar to what has happened in Albania, Serbia, and
Poland. The developments in post-socialist Slovenia and particularly
the 2000 parliamentary elections cannot be fully understood without
first saying openly that voters opted for Drnovšek's way among
the choice of non-differences and non-differentiations that were
entangled in Sonderweg-style neo-conservative neo-Slovenianness.
Slovenia thus ended up with a situation in which Janšaism may
become implemented in a 'soft' Drnovšek way, which would be tantamount
to the victory of Janšaism.
In Kuzmanić's view, the 'real' problem Slovenians have to cope
with is not at home either on the left or on the right. The 2000
elections should be considered as a 'settling of accounts' with
nationalism, but this was not done with the intention to 'escape'
from nationalism as such or to find 'other', for example political
cues for future development. Nationalism has been defeated, but
from the positions and in the name of a new nationalism i.e.
postpolitical neo-Slovenianness.
The essay Religion and Politics by Srečo Dragoš looks into the
presence of the Roman-Catholic Church in the media coverage of the
election campaign. Dragoš concludes that the topics that received
the most attention (thanks both to the Church and certain political
parties) were: the relationship between religion and politics, the
provision of spiritual services to the army, the issue of public
schools, and the attitude of the Church towards the electronic and
print media. He draws attention to three areas, namely the strategy
of the Church, the conduct of political parties and the political
culture in Slovenia, within which the trends culminated that have
been present, to a greater or lesser degree, ever since Slovenia
gained independence ten years ago. The author argues that throughout
the 20th century the political culture in Slovenia was significantly
influenced by the culture war and clericalism. He concludes that
the 2000 election campaign revealed a significant shift towards
the blending of religion and politics, which was induced by both
political parties and the Church. Should this trend continue, it
may have negative consequences for the political culture and Christian
religion in Slovenia.
In his essay The Inexpressiveness of Election Posters Mitja Velikonja
analyzes the visual language of the election posters for the 2000
parliamentary elections in Slovenia. In addition to the motives,
composition, slogans and symbols used on these posters, he also
considers their aesthetical features and messages communicated through
political propaganda. In his opinion, the basic traits of these
posters were the 'calmness' of both propaganda and slogans (which
befits the relatively untroubled political situation in Slovenia),
the similarity of motives (their large inexpressiveness), the lack
of distinct political symbols, and the domination of the portraits
of notable party members (the personalization of the party's image).
The author points out three things: firstly, that there were many
more similarities than differences between the posters - rather
than stressing and detailing differences between parties, the posters
blurred them; secondly, the posters were exceptionally monotone,
boring and uninventive - inexpressive in short; and finally, many
aesthetical and propaganda options that are usually employed in
the design of political posters were not exploited.
In the essay The Election Campaign on the Internet, Sandra B. Hrvatin
and Lenart J. Kučić attempt to answer the question whether the web
campaign formed an important part of the election campaign. They
conclude that most parties simply posted propaganda materials on
their web pages and somewhat adapted them to suit the requirements
of the medium. Web sites were thus prevailingly used for selfpresentation
and as an electronic extension of the party's profile. The obvious
lack of a web strategy reveals that the campaign on the Internet
was just a formal necessity. The analysis of the pre-election web
polls featured on the SLS+SKD and SDS web pages showed that those
who voted in these polls were mostly the supporters of these parties.
This shows that Slovenians are not yet active web voters and that
the significance of the Internet in this election campaign was negligible
even with respect to negative propaganda. The authors further analyzed
the participation of Janez Drnovšek, the leader of the LDS, in on-line
chats during the election campaign. The analysis showed that even
though the public had direct access to the leader of the party,
the larger part of the debate did not touch on politics, or the
voters did not have relevant questions for the leader. The authors
thus conclude that the web portion of the election campaign was
probably just one evolutionary step towards the stage at which the
Internet will become the main channel for the exchange of data when
the content of the messages will finally become adapted to the medium.
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